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‘DUBAIS’ UNVEIL HYPOCRISY

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What is becoming crystal clear with each passing day of the continued ban on liquor, though - outside the tax losses, burgeoning black market, potential divestment and loss of jobs - is that COVID-19 could have been used as a cover for hidden agendas.

And in time, these secretive agendas will unravel because the truth always comes out. But those who still repose faith in the ability of this government to lead this country under the obtaining polity ought to begin questioning their convictions. In modern civil and democratic countries, a government that can no longer guarantee clear and strong leadership either resigns or gets kicked out of power. Unfortunately on the domestic front, that is not allowed by the political system. Similarly although Parliament, empowered by the national constitution, can pass a no confidence vote on but cannot cause the government to vacate office. In the meantime, we wait with grated teeth to see how long the apparent leadership vacuum will last.

As it turns out, the subject matter for today’s column is that vexing issue of the so-called ‘Dubais’ import cars, which also has a bearing on tax revenues. It is not the first time that this issue has been thrust into the forefront of the national agenda and all the time my wish being the industry’s indigenisation. Initially we were made to believe that it was being driven by the environmental agenda and, of course, with its opportunistic acolytes of pseudos in tow. In the latest instalment the environment is still a wager but what seems to be of major concern to government is the threat on receipts from the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), which accounts for over half of the kingdom’s budget. The SACU factor now seems to have forced government’s hand in publishing a legal notice reducing to seven years the age of ‘Dubai’ vehicles that can be imported into the country that has, once again, thrust this matter onto the public agenda.

Proposed

Lawmakers, conscious that this move would be unpopular in their constituencies, vehemently opposed to the seven years and instead proposed that the vehicles should at least be 12 years old when imported. The age of the vehicles is important since it has a bearing on the pricing. The lower the age the more expensive a vehicle would be and, therefore, out of reach for the majority of emaSwati. As I see it, while environmental concerns are legitimate in this matter, this argument has however not been weighed against other competing interests. One of which is the pre-‘Dubai’ imports era where emaSwati were buying used or second hand cars predominantly from South Africa. The conditions of the vehicles that were sourced locally – from SA – are and were nowhere closer to competing with the ‘Dubai’ imports apropos wear and tear, yet they were more expensive and, therefore, beyond the reach of many emaSwati.

Relatively speaking, the ‘Dubais’ are new and less of a threat to the environment than their locally sourced competitors and affordable to a larger section of emaSwati. As for the environment, this can be addressed and enforced through requisite legislation but not willy-nilly banning of ‘Dubai’ imports. Consequently, environmental imperatives ought to be balanced against the interests of the people. It has become obvious that commercial interests are behind the environment façade that is being fronted as instructive to decision making. The irony, however, is that Eswatini does not have an automotive industry to protect per se but retails from South Africa.

In which case, it would have been the domestic retailers campaigning for the banning of ‘Dubai’ imports which, in an open market economy, would be a contradiction in terms. The argument would probably have currency if the kingdom had a primary automobile industry with manufacturing and/or assembling plants. As for the SACU conundrum, yes, the receipts are very important and much needed by government. However, a lack of ideas and innovation on diversifying the economy and, therefore, broadening the tax base and minimising SACU dependency cannot mean this is the cross that should be the exclusive burden of the majority of emaSwati already weighed down by poverty. Denying emaSwati access to the ‘Dubais’ is akin to taking food from their tables. The one inescapable truth is that the ‘Dubais’ have been a boon to the economic aspirations of and in improving the lifestyles of the majority of emaSwati when government remained, and still is, permanently fixated with and on ensuring the First World transition of a chosen few.

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Should the administration of scholarships be moved from the Ministry of Labour and Social Security to the Ministry of Education and Training?