TIME FOR SERIOUS REFLECTION

THE internal divisions within the mass democratic movement hold significant potential to disrupt the country’s democratisation efforts. As a staunch advocate for a democratic Eswatini, I acknowledge that transitioning from the outdated Tinkhundla System of Government will not occur spontaneously. Instead, it will require arduous effort and sacrifices from those emaSwati who believe they deserve better than the status quo.

Numerous sacrifices have already been made, including lost lives, serious injuries and disruptions to livelihoods. The regime, determined to retain its power and uphold an ideology incompatible with contemporary politics, continues to display its brutality and reluctance to engage in dialogue to find a lasting solution. The prospect of relinquishing control over key power structures, which would inevitably result from any significant concessions, is unsettling for its proponents.

Accountability

Concepts such as accountability, transparency, inclusivity and prudent management of state resources remain theoretical to them. While these notions may threaten their luxurious lifestyle, they will fiercely resist any change and exploit national resources until they are exhausted. This situation cannot persist, and emaSwati have voiced their discontent. Historical precedents illustrate that transformative change is always guided by leadership. Struggles for political freedom do not occur by accident; they arise from the actions of motivated forces that provide direction and act decisively when the balance of power shifts toward change. In Eswatini, the population looks to the mass democratic movement for guidance, including civil society organisations, political parties, organised labour, the church and the media.

Without confidence in these institutions, the public may revert to complacency. Since June 2021, the political awareness of many emaSwati has surged, prompting citizens to seek political affiliations. New political groups have emerged, and older ones have been revitalised. EmaSwati are now faced with the choice of joining groups that align with their aspirations for an improved Eswatini. The media has adapted to meet the demands of an informed and discerning audience, highlighting the significance of this critical period for both the nation and the struggle for democracy.

Challenges

Certain events, such as the mysterious death of law student Thabani Nkomonye, the economic challenges exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, and the healthcare crisis, have catalysed a reevaluation of the kingdom’s political structure. The State’s violence against unarmed citizens and retaliatory attacks further underscore the tensions. EmaSwati are now more confident than ever in challenging the regime, recognising the fleeting nature of such opportunities. A similar situation occurred in 1996, resulting in some superficial changes.

The waning unity and focus within the mass democratic movement, as evidenced by disagreements over participating in national elections, are disheartening. These divisions have allowed the regime to exploit vulnerabilities, leading to petty politics, internal conflicts and indecision. Economic concerns have weakened organised labour, while political parties have struggled to unite and provide clear guidance to emaSwati. Many emaSwati, though not politically sophisticated, merely need to trust in a brighter future and have faith in the leadership. The mass democratic movement faces increasing complexity.

The murder of former Correctional officer Bheka Brian Magagula, reportedly while in exile, and the subsequent theories and allegations have further complicated matters. Efforts are now focused on identifying those responsible for Magagula’s death, as well as other casualties in the ongoing struggle. Recently, Mlungisi Makhanya, the exiled President of the People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), was reportedly poisoned, allegedly by factions within the progressive movement. Allegations from the organisation implicate various individuals and even the government. Such internal conflicts distract the movement from its essential mission to democratise the nation.

Historically, all struggles face periods where opportunism infiltrates, and enemies exploit individual weaknesses. This concern, whether perceived or real, is not unique to the Eswatini struggle but remains damaging, particularly for the unique people of emaSwati. The mass democratic movement must undergo a thorough self-evaluation to regain focus. The prospects for a better Eswatini depend on the effectiveness of this currently disorganised collective and history will judge the current cohort of leaders harshly if they fail the people. If there is any credence to the theories of self-sabotage within the Eswatini Mass Democratic Movement (MDM), we can only hope that the raw truth can surface and those responsible cannot be named and shamed, but also face the full wrath of the law.

The big picture here is an Eswatini that will be prosperous; free of repression; where people enjoy the full menu of their God-given rights. A country where the national wealth is not the exclusive preserve of a selected few. An Eswatini where our children have ample opportunities to access quality education, decent jobs and where health care is of high standards. The MDM should not lose sight of that. The premature contestations that are seemingly playing themselves out in nasty ways are self-destructive and will lead to many emaSwati choosing to stick the known ‘devil’.  Struggles can fail and the local one wouldn’t be any different. 

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