DEMOCRACY MUST ALIGN WITH CULTURE, TRADITION
Balancing tradition and political reforms is a critical challenge for many societies attempting to preserve cultural heritage while modernising governance structures to meet contemporary needs. The importance of this balance lies in its potential to provide social stability, foster a sense of identity, and enable economic and political advancement. Tradition serves as the foundation of a society’s values, customs and collective memory, offering a sense of continuity and belonging.
Political reforms, on the other hand, are necessary to address evolving social issues, enhance governance, and ensure that political systems remain responsive and effective. One major importance of balancing tradition and political reforms is the prevention of societal polarisation. In societies where rapid reforms are implemented without consideration of traditional values, resistance from those who hold these values dearly can lead to social unrest. Conversely, adhering too strongly to tradition without allowing for political change can result in stagnation and hinder development. Therefore, striking a balance allows societies to progress while maintaining social cohesion and honouring cultural identities.
Furthermore, such a balance is crucial for effective governance. By incorporating traditional norms and practices into modern political frameworks, governments can garner greater legitimacy and public support. This can be seen in legal systems that integrate customary laws with contemporary legal standards, thus ensuring broader acceptance and compliance among diverse populations. Several countries have demonstrated the ability to balance tradition with political reforms successfully. One notable example is Japan. The country has managed to blend its deep-rooted traditions with modernisation. I will explain later.
It is common knowledge that Eswatini, a picturesque kingdom nestled in Southern Africa, is a nation where deep-rooted traditions coalesce with modern aspirations. Under the steadfast rule of His Majesty King Mswati III, Eswatini maintains its status as a monarchy that believes that democracy must align with tradition and culture. This small, landlocked country thrives on its rich cultural heritage and traditional governance system, with some critics complaining that this practice hampers democratic evolution. I am alive to the fact that voices advocating for political reforms in Eswatini are growing louder as they emphasise the potential benefits of a multiparty democracy, akin to systems found in Lesotho, Morocco and even the constitutional monarchies of Europe.
Figures
I am seeking to explore the delicate balance between tradition and the possible path towards democratic reform in Eswatini, acknowledging the roles played by influential figures and the potential strategies they might employ to engage His Majesty King Mswati III, emaSwati and customary bodies responsible for the traditional governance system. I have already mentioned that Eswatini’s governance system is an intricate tapestry interwoven with traditional and modern strands. It operates under a dual framework where the monarchy coexists with a government structure, characterised by traditional prime minister and executive prime minister.
EmaSwati advocating for political reforms must understand why there is an indvuna of the Ludzidzini Royal Residence who serves as the traditional prime minister. This amalgamation reflects a desire to honour cultural mores while addressing contemporary administrative needs. The proponents of reform point towards the potential for increased political diversity through the introduction of multiparty democracy. This approach, they argue, would not only align Eswatini with its African and global neighbours but also enrich its governance model by facilitating diverse representation and participation in national discourse. Among those championing change include individuals with notable profiles—Mlungisi Makhanya, Sicelo Mngomezulu, Velaphi Mamba and Mduduzi ‘Gawuzela’ Simelane—who have not yet strived to engage directly with His Majesty the King.
Other emaSwati with notable profiles are Bishop Mpendulo Nkambule - my brother, Mandla Hlatshwayo, Busi Dlamini, Barnes Dlamini, Gift Dlamini etc. I doubt His Majesty would not have allowed a team of these liberal-minded individuals to pay him a courtesy call on issues of national importance. I will always maintain and insist that these liberal-minded individuals should have, first and foremost, recognised the transformative potential of engaging in constructive dialogue with the King who represents emaSwati, reaching out to him through Liqoqo and Ludzidzini Royal Council. Mlungisi Makhanya, a businessman and religious leader, stands out with his adherence to cultural norms, setting up a home in Malindza, Lubombo Region and assisting in church leadership in Mbabane. About 10 years ago, I interviewed him after he had been ordained as a pastor. I know him from Motshane High School. I had gone there in the early 90s to do a story.
Makhanya’s understanding of cultural diplomacy, complemented by his soft-spoken demeanour and business acumen, should have suggested to himself and others a potential pathway for initiating dialogue with the monarchy. He would have sat down with the King and customary bodies in discussion over the country’s political destiny. Now, I would be saying: “But, you didn’t listen to Mlungisi or you didn’t allow him to have an audience with the King.” Velaphi Mamba, a Harvard University graduate and member of the Mamba clan that believes in the significance of kingship, bridges traditional allegiance with modern education. His understanding of global democratic principles, coupled with his rootedness in the culture of emaSwati, uniquely position him to advocate for political reform while respecting the sanctity of tradition.
Mduduzi ‘Gawuzela’ Simelane, a former Parliamentarian, could have leveraged his political platform to foster dialogue for change. By not doing so, an opportunity was missed to engage in meaningful discourse with the monarchy, a lesson that underscores the importance of utilising existing institutions as channels for reform-oriented dialogue. Sicelo Mngomezulu, a successful Lawyer and businessman in South Africa, embodies the potential of the Eswatini diaspora to influence change. Having served in the Christian movement at the University of Eswatini, Mngomezulu’s roots in the Kingdom and his deep understanding of legal and cultural dynamics uniquely position him to advocate for political reform in a manner that bakaNgwane could have given him an ear.
The South African legal system, known for its progressive stances on constitutional matters, enhances Mngomezulu’s perspective on governance. As a staunch Christian, he brings an ethical dimension to the conversation, advocating for peaceful dialogue and constructive engagement with the monarchy. I hate when we fool ourselves and not embrace the veracity that Eswatini’s cultural ethos emphasises respect for authority and tradition. His Majesty King Mswati III, as the custodian of both culture and constitutional authority, holds a pivotal role in determining the trajectory of governance in the nation. The liberals advocating for reform ought to have recognised that meaningful dialogue is essential for aligning the monarchy’s leadership with changing political expectations.
In navigating this path, proponents of reform must operate within the bounds of cultural respect and constitutional provisions. Recognising the monarchy’s constitutional privilege to safeguard Eswatini’s customs and leadership, reformists are tasked with presenting their case in a manner that emphasises mutual benefit. The prayer service held on November 2 , 2024, in KaMhlushwa, South Africa, organised by the Swaziland Liberation Movement (SWALIMO) and other political parties, drew an attendance exceeding 2 000 people.
However, the nation’s population stands at approximately 1.3 million. This number indicates that the vast majority of emaSwati did not attend. This context similarly applies to the Sibaya (People’s Parliament) gatherings, whose attendance figures alone cannot accurately reflect the true desires and opinions of the broader emaSwati populace. For Sibaya to genuinely capture these sentiments, a Vusela (nationwide consultative exercise) process should be sanctioned, facilitating comprehensive engagement with emaSwati at community and tinkhundla levels.
While Sibaya serves as a platform intended to reflect the wishes of emaSwati, the attendance at events such as the march to the USA Embassy in Ezulwini, the large gathering at Mbabane Bus Rank around 2022, and the mentioned prayer service, stand as significant counters to the conventional Sibaya numbers. These participations underscore the necessity for more inclusive and representative forums to truly understand and capture the nation’s perspectives. Indeed, more needs to be done beyond what these existing platforms offer; they provide valuable insights but remain inconclusive in delivering a full picture. As a result, neither Gawuzela nor those supporting the current political status quo can confidently boast about these attendance numbers as definitive indicators of the wishes of emaSwati. These figures, while useful, do not present the complete story of what the people of Eswatini genuinely seek or desire for their future.
Religious
There are some historical and contemporary discussions around countries eroding culture and later regretting or seeking cultural reforms. Let us look at Iran, which underwent significant cultural and societal changes under the rule of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi in the 20th century, particularly with the White Revolution, which aimed at modernising and secularising the country. However, the 1979 Iranian Revolution led to a significant cultural shift back towards more traditional and religious values. Some former leaders and supporters of the Shah’s regime have expressed regret over the loss of certain aspects of Iran’s pre-revolutionary cultural identity.
Another example is China, during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), wherein traditional Chinese culture and heritage were heavily criticised and, in many cases, destroyed under the leadership of Mao Zedong. In later years, Chinese leadership has placed an emphasis on reviving and preserving traditional culture as part of national identity. In Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s reforms in the early 20th century drastically transformed the country from an Islamic Ottoman Empire to a secular nation-State. While these efforts modernised the country, there has been ongoing tension between secular and religious values in Turkey. Some modern political movements and leaders have attempted to restore certain traditional and religious elements within the Turkish societal framework.
In Russia, President Vladimir Putin has often demonstrated a complex relationship with the legacy of the Russian Tsars (Kings). Putin has shown an interest in promoting Russian history and has occasionally expressed a certain appreciation for the Russian Empire’s achievements and its historical leaders. For instance, he has praised certain Tsars for their roles in expanding and strengthening Russia. Putin has also been involved in efforts to restore and preserve Russian heritage, which includes the era of the Tsars. This includes various historical and cultural projects, as well as the reintroduction of some historical symbols and traditions from the imperial era.
However, Putin’s attitude is also pragmatic — while he acknowledges the importance of Russia’s past, including the Tsarist era, he tends to focus on promoting a narrative that strengthens national unity and pride in Russia’s history as a whole, encompassing both the Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union periods. His references and policies often aim to bolster a sense of continuity and stability in Russian governance. Overall, Putin’s perspective on the Tsars is part of a broader strategy to cultivate a sense of Russian identity and continuity through all its historical phases. Democracy must align with tradition. Indeed, it must align with culture.
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