Times Of Swaziland: AFRICA HAS FAILED DEMOCRACY

AFRICA HAS FAILED DEMOCRACY
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Mfanukhona Nkambule on 28/12/2024 08:18:00


For starters, it is imperative to mention that I do not agree with the notion
that democracy has failed in Africa.
Instead, Africa has failed democracy.
In the ideal world, democracy is a beacon of hope, an integral pillar of
governance that upholds the will of the people and fosters peace, stability, and
development. Yet, across the African continent, the quest for democracy is often
overshadowed by recurring violence during elections, with calamitous
consequences.
While some nations manage their elections peacefully, many others are plagued by
strife, casting doubt on the integrity of democratic processes. This conundrum
raises critical questions about the underlying factors contributing to such
systemic failures and whether different governance systems might offer
alternative solutions.
Africa's persistent struggle with democratic processes is a multifaceted issue,
influenced by historical, socio-economic, and political dimensions.The
continent’s journey towards a truly democratic society will require
comprehensive reforms, internal reconciliations, and perhaps a reevaluation of
political structures that currently oscillate between peace and violence.
I have wondered why party-based democracy works well in Europe and United States
of America. I have also wondered why we, as Africans, do not take leaf from the
West and inculcate a culture of coexistence, tolerance, respect for life and
property, and most importantly embracement of defeat during elections.
Mozambique
Mozambique, a country currently grabbing headlines, is a stark example of this
frequent chaos in Africa. Post-independence politics in Mozambique have been
fraught with instability, evidenced by the disputed elections that spiraled into
violence. Political rivalries often reach boiling points as government and
opposition forces clash violently, leading to loss of life and widespread fear
among citizens.
This recalcitrance in accepting election outcomes inevitably fuels a cycle of
unrest and damages the fabric of democracy in the nation. More than 100 people
have died in the post-election violence in Mozambique. It was reported on
Christmas day that unconfirmed number of prisoners in Maputo, Mozambique,
escaped from the Maximum Security Prison in Machava Suburb, amid protests by
those rejecting results of the recent general elections.
According to reports, the prisoners, as reported by SABC, managed to overpower
the guards at the facility and escaped with a number of AK47 rifles. Initial
reports had estimated the number of escaped prison at around 6 000. However,
other publications put the figure at over 1 500. The country’s top court
upheld the results of the disputed October presidential elections on Monday,
putting David Chapo on the seat.
Many in Mozambique, particularly young people, were hoping that independent
candidate Venancio Mondlane will win the elections.  South Africa is now on high
alert, expecting an upsurge in Mozambicans coming through for refuge. We can
expect the same in Eswatini.
Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe also presents a similar narrative. We are witnesses of how the ZANU-PF
frustrated the MDC led by the late Morgan Tsvangarai, with Robert Mugabe, the
late, and Zimbabwe Election Commission withholding the announcement of results
for one month. The commission later announced that Tsvangarai won the vote by
47.9 per cent of the vote while Mugabe attained 43.2 per cent, necessitating a
run-off which turned violent, resulting in the MDC leader pulling out in fear of
his life.
I must say that Zimbabwe has witnessed multiple election-related conflicts, with
the 2008 elections being the most notorious.Widespread violence, primarily
orchestrated by political loyalists, followed a disputed result, leading to
significant loss of life and displacement. The electorate’s hope for change
has consistently been undermined by intimidation and suppression, often
culminating in bloodshed.
Cote d’ Ivoire
Côte d'Ivoire, once regarded as a beacon of stability in West Africa, plunged
into chaos following its 2010 presidential elections. Conflicts erupted between
supporters of Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara, leading to an estimated 3
000 deaths and leaving the nation deeply divided. This distress highlighted the
fragile nature of democracy in regions where political allegiance often
supersedes national unity.
Kenya
In East Africa, Kenya’s elections have frequently been marred by violence,
with the 2007 elections resulting in horrific communal clashes. Following
disputed results, ethnic tensions flared, and Kenya descended into violence
resulting in over 1 000 deaths and mass displacements. Such events point to the
challenges faced by multi-ethnic societies in maintaining peaceful democracies.
Botswana
Although Botswana is often celebrated as Africa's most enduring democracy, it
has not been entirely immune to tensions. While it has largely avoided
large-scale post-election violence, simmering discontent and accusations of
electoral malpractices suggest that the potential for conflict is ever-present.
Tension, bickering and infighting in that country resulted in former President
Ian Khama seeking refuge in South Africa and Eswatini.
Lesotho
Lesotho, a small kingdom in Southern Africa, has also struggled with political
instability post-elections. The environment of political tension and occasional
violence, particularly after contested poll results, has often necessitated
interventions by regional bodies to restore order. Ex-South Africa’s President
Thabo Mbeki and current President Cyril Ramaphosa have been there to restore
order in the Mountain Kingdom.
Uganda
Uganda’s electoral history is riddled with violence and intimidation,
particularly under the long-standing rule of President Yoweri Museveni. The 2021
elections spotlighted this turmoil, with widespread reports of deaths, arrests,
and allegations of fraud. Such unrest raises questions about the authenticity
and credibility of electoral processes in sustaining democracy.
Nigeria
Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, is no stranger to election-related
violence either. Both the 2011 and 2019 elections witnessed significant unrest,
with politically-motivated violence claiming numerous lives. These incidents
detracted from the democratic essence, reducing elections to a contest of might
rather than choice.
DRC
The Democratic Republic of Congo and Ethiopia are additional examples, where
elections have frequently been characterised by violence and unrest. Political
elites have often resorted to force to stifle dissent, turning election periods
into battlegrounds rather than peaceful expressions of the popular will.
Eswatini
In stark contrast, Eswatini offers an intriguing perspective. Since its
independence in 1968, the Kingdom has largely been free from the scourge of
post-election violence. Its governance system, Tinkhundla, eschews the
conventional party politics in favour of a unique model that emphasises local
councils and direct representation.This system has seen Eswatini maintain a
relatively peaceful society, even as questions about democratic representations
and human rights linger.
Does the apparent stability in Eswatini suggest that the Tinkhundla system is
better suited for achieving peace? Or does it merely sidestep the issues
inherent in party-based democracies?  The 2021 civil unrest is an isolated case
emanating from inside Parliament, not necessarily caused by electoral
disagreements or fraud.
In the Kingdom, any electoral fraud becomes individualistic wherein two
candidates or more take each other to court.On the other hand, Africa’s
electoral disagreements result in sustained national conflict. Diehards of the
country’s political system argue that possibilities are extremely low that a
potential electoral disagreement between two candidates can cause a national
conflict.
While the absence of political violence in Eswatini is commendable, the system
also faces criticism for limiting political freedoms such as allowing political
parties to form a government. With the outbreaks of wars and civil disobedience
in countries like Mozambique and party conflicts in Eswatini, we cannot rule out
the possibility that many of our people may be skeptical about the party system.
Can we give it a chance? One intellectual and sober follower of this column
wrote to me: “it’s advisable not to cross a flooded river.” Africa, wake
up from the slumber and represent democracy with integrity.
WOMEN MUST BE INDEPENDENT OF MEN
In the heart of Eswatini, a nation facing the harrowing reality of gender-based
violence (GBV), there emerges a clarion call for a transformative approach to
nurturing the future generation. At the core of this vision lies the empowerment
of the girl child—an endeavour that necessitates a paradigm shift from the
earliest stages of development.
The urgency of this mission is necessitated by the distressing narratives where
men, wielding a fatal power, extinguish the lives of women. To alter this grim
trajectory, a profound recalibration of societal attitudes and parental
responsibilities stands paramount.
Central to this transformative journey is the cultivation of independence among
young girls.The onus rests heavily upon parents to inculcate a mindset that
champions self-reliance, where girls are not merely taught to survive but are
emboldened to thrive autonomously.
Domestic programmes must be devised with meticulous intent, celebrating the
virtues of hard work, discipline, and, above all, rigorous education. These
programmes should not merely serve as a counter-narrative to dependency on men
but as the foundational pillars upon which young girls can build their
identities and futures. It is equally vital for parents to dismantle the
entrenched norms that confine the girl child's aspirations within antiquated
societal constructs.
A tangible manifestation of this commitment could be the provision of resources
traditionally deemed as luxuries—such as mobile phones or funds for
hairdressing. By ensuring these needs are met, parents convey an unspoken yet
powerful message that the girl child is inherently valuable, capable of securing
her own destiny, and deserving of the same investments made in her male
counterparts.
Moreover, as the grim shadow of GBV looms large, parents must institute an
unyielding policy regarding financial interactions with men. Girls should be
taught the paramount importance of seeking parental counsel before accepting
money or gifts from men.In tackling GBV, this comprehensive strategy must be
recognised as an urgent and non-negotiable imperative.
It is a collective moral duty to raise daughters who will become unabashedly
independent women, fortified with the tools to navigate and triumph over the
adversities they may encounter. With determination and unity, Eswatini can pave
the way for a society where the horror of men killing women becomes an
unfortunate relic of a bygone era, replaced by a future that exalts equality,
respect, and safety for all.
Through fostering an environment of open communication and vigilance, parents
can protect their daughters from the potential entanglement in harmful
dependencies that might escalate into life-threatening situations. I wish you a
prosperous New Year.